After the United States' failures in special operations missions during the late 1970s and 1980, a decision was made to revamp its unconventional military capabilities. The subsequent reorganization and redesignation in 1983 created the SEALs as they are known today, and later the all-encompassing command for US special operations forces under which they operate. Since then, these Navy Special Warfare (NSW) forces have operated in Grenada, the Persian Gulf, Panama, Somalia, Bosnia, Haiti, and Liberia. NSW units have also participated in the ongoing missions of Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and Operation Iraqi Freedom in Iraq. This book looks at the history, organization, training, uniforms, equipment and missions of the US Navy SEALs since their redesignation until the recent conflict in the Gulf.

In 1543 three Portuguese merchants entered a turbulent Japan, bringing with them the first firearms the Japanese had ever seen: simple matchlock muskets called arquebuses. They proved a decisive addition to the Japanese armoury, as for centuries the samurai had fought only with bow, sword and spear. In 1575, one of the greatest original thinkers in the history of samurai, Oda Nobunaga, arranged his arquebusiers in ranks three deep behind a palisade and proceeded, quite literally, to blow his opponent's cavalry to pieces, marking the beginning of a new era in Japanese military history.

On 21 October 1983, following the death of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, the leaders of the six small nations forming the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States voted to intervene militarily to restore order in Grenada. As none possessed the forces necessary to carry out a successful operation, the United States, fearing for its citizens on the island, and wanting to curb Cuba's growing influence, decided to get involved. This book provides a day-by-day account of the US invasion of Grenada, focusing on the units and forces deployed. Numerous contemporary photographs and colour plates detail the uniforms and equipment of the US, Cuban and Caribbean forces.

There was life before the fall.

Sunday, 3 September 1939: the dawn of a new conflict that would engulf the world, following the words of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain: 'This country is at war with Germany'. By the time World War II ended in 1945, nearly half a million people from Britain and its empire had lost their lives, and the world had changed forever.

For more than five decades Billy Graham (1918-2018) ranked as one of the most influential voices in the Christian world. Nearly 215 million people around the world heard him preach in person or through live electronic media, almost certainly more than any other person. For millions, Graham was less a preacher than a Protestant saint. While remaining orthodox at the core, over time his approach on many issues became more irenic and progressive. And his preaching continued to resonate, propelled by his powerful promise of a second chance.

'One of our best living writers on religion' Financial Times

"A stimulating history of how the imagination interacted with its sibling psychological faculties—emotion, perception and reason—to shape the history of human mental life."—The Wall Street Journal

Americans have long been identified as a people of law and lawyers with an addiction to lawsuits. In Litigation Nation, Peter Charles Hoffer, one of America's most preeminent legal historians, charts the history of civil litigation from the seventeenth century to the present, using key cases pursued by ordinary people to illustrate how the civil courts have been a battlefront to contest the boundaries of permissible personal conduct in times of social and political change. Using representative case studies from each period—from defamation suits in seventeenth-century America to recent civil rights and gender discrimination lawsuits, Hoffer's concise and accessible history shows how litigation reflects the lives and values of ordinary Americans.

A differenza dei tanti uomini pronti a misurarsi in quella che considerarono un'eroica ed elettrizzante avventura, le donne italiane non invocarono la guerra. Ci fu poi un gruppo di utopiste, legate a una rete internazionale di militanti, che avanzò una ferma critica al sistema di potere maschile. Per quella élite di femministe e di suffragiste erano gli uomini a capo dei governi e della diplomazia, che sceglievano di dirimere i conflitti tra le nazioni attraverso lo strumento della guerra, a provocare dolore e spargimenti di sangue. Per questo motivo, negli anni a cavallo tra Ottocento e Novecento e nel corso del primo conflitto mondiale, chiesero più diritti e più democrazia per le donne e sollecitarono la loro partecipazione nelle decisioni sulle vicende nazionali e internazionali.