Mingjiang Li, "Soft Power: China's Emerging Strategy in International Politics"
Lexington Books | 2009 | ISBN: 0739133772 | 284 pages | PDF | 1 MB
Lexington Books | 2009 | ISBN: 0739133772 | 284 pages | PDF | 1 MB
Soft power has become a very popular concept in international affairs. Ever
since Joseph Nye coined it in 1990 in his book Bound to Lead,1 the term
has frequently appeared in government policy papers, academic discussions,
and the popular media. The intensity of the discussion of China’s soft power
has been particularly notable. The concept of soft power provides a unique
perspective not only on China’s current foreign and security policy but, more
significantly, on the trajectory of China’s rise in the long term. In this introductory
chapter, I will briefly discuss the ongoing debate about China’s soft
power, critically review Nye’s conceptualization of soft power, propose a
“soft use of power” approach, and outline the structure of the book.
WORLDWIDE SPOTLIGHT ON CHINA’S SOFT POWER
In China, soft power has become one of the most frequently used phrases
among political leaders, leading academics, and journalists. What is most
striking is the importance that Chinese leaders unequivocally assign to soft
power in China’s international political strategy. Party Chief and President Hu
Jintao, for instance, noted at the Central Foreign Affairs Leadership Group
meeting on January 4, 2006 that the increase of China’s international status
and influence depends both on hard power, such as the economy, science and
technology, and defense, as well as on soft power, such as culture.2 Hu again
highlighted soft power in his political report to the 17th Party Congress in
October 2007, stressing the urgent need to build China’s cultural soft power
to meet domestic needs and increasing international challenges.3
In the international arena, China’s soft power has also become a spotlight
issue.4 The 2007 World Economic Forum held in Dalian, a coastal city in
China’s Liaoning Province, addressed the issue of China’s soft power. The
then Australian Labor Party leader Kevin Rudd presented Joshua Kurlantzick’s
book Charm Offensive: How China’s Soft Power is Transforming the
World to U.S. former President George W. Bush to remind him “why the U.S.
has been losing influence.”5 The U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS)
conducted two comprehensive studies on China’s soft power influence in
Asia, Africa, and Latin America in the first half of 2008, which clearly shows
the concerns of U.S. leaders over China’s soft power.6
The widespread attention on China’s soft power notwithstanding, views
on Beijing’s capability to “charm” the rest of the world and the implications
of such a capability have been varied. The Chinese discourse on soft power
has mainly focused on its sources and potential utility in Chinese foreign
strategy. The mainstream assessment of the state of China’s soft power by
Chinese analysts is that soft power is still a weak link in China’s pursuit for
stronger comprehensive national power. It has lagged significantly behind the
growth of the country’s hard power. Many strategists maintain that China is
still not sophisticated in incorporating soft power into its strategic planning.7
However, other observers believe that the prospect of China’s soft power
looks more sanguine because China has faired quite well in the international
competition for soft power, since it boasts abundant sources of soft power
such as culture, traditional philosophy, etc.8
since Joseph Nye coined it in 1990 in his book Bound to Lead,1 the term
has frequently appeared in government policy papers, academic discussions,
and the popular media. The intensity of the discussion of China’s soft power
has been particularly notable. The concept of soft power provides a unique
perspective not only on China’s current foreign and security policy but, more
significantly, on the trajectory of China’s rise in the long term. In this introductory
chapter, I will briefly discuss the ongoing debate about China’s soft
power, critically review Nye’s conceptualization of soft power, propose a
“soft use of power” approach, and outline the structure of the book.
WORLDWIDE SPOTLIGHT ON CHINA’S SOFT POWER
In China, soft power has become one of the most frequently used phrases
among political leaders, leading academics, and journalists. What is most
striking is the importance that Chinese leaders unequivocally assign to soft
power in China’s international political strategy. Party Chief and President Hu
Jintao, for instance, noted at the Central Foreign Affairs Leadership Group
meeting on January 4, 2006 that the increase of China’s international status
and influence depends both on hard power, such as the economy, science and
technology, and defense, as well as on soft power, such as culture.2 Hu again
highlighted soft power in his political report to the 17th Party Congress in
October 2007, stressing the urgent need to build China’s cultural soft power
to meet domestic needs and increasing international challenges.3
In the international arena, China’s soft power has also become a spotlight
issue.4 The 2007 World Economic Forum held in Dalian, a coastal city in
China’s Liaoning Province, addressed the issue of China’s soft power. The
then Australian Labor Party leader Kevin Rudd presented Joshua Kurlantzick’s
book Charm Offensive: How China’s Soft Power is Transforming the
World to U.S. former President George W. Bush to remind him “why the U.S.
has been losing influence.”5 The U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS)
conducted two comprehensive studies on China’s soft power influence in
Asia, Africa, and Latin America in the first half of 2008, which clearly shows
the concerns of U.S. leaders over China’s soft power.6
The widespread attention on China’s soft power notwithstanding, views
on Beijing’s capability to “charm” the rest of the world and the implications
of such a capability have been varied. The Chinese discourse on soft power
has mainly focused on its sources and potential utility in Chinese foreign
strategy. The mainstream assessment of the state of China’s soft power by
Chinese analysts is that soft power is still a weak link in China’s pursuit for
stronger comprehensive national power. It has lagged significantly behind the
growth of the country’s hard power. Many strategists maintain that China is
still not sophisticated in incorporating soft power into its strategic planning.7
However, other observers believe that the prospect of China’s soft power
looks more sanguine because China has faired quite well in the international
competition for soft power, since it boasts abundant sources of soft power
such as culture, traditional philosophy, etc.8
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